Oleksandr Tarasov, a resident of Kherson and a former hostage of the Russians, was a journalist and volunteer who played a significant role in organizing the 2022 rallies in support of Ukraine in Kherson. Shortly after the conclusion of another protest against the occupation of Kherson in early March, Oleksandr was detained by the Russian FSB. He remained in Russian captivity for nearly a year, finally regaining his freedom in February 2023.
Oleksandr Tarasov: On March 2, Russian troops entered Kherson and swiftly took control of the city. Acts of looting ensued as Russian forces forcibly entered shops, smashed windows, and looted goods before moving from door to door. Concurrently, a small group of activists gathered near the Ukraina cinema, situated in the city center opposite the regional state administration. They recorded a brief video and issued a call urging others to join the protest, which I shared on social media.
By March 3, widespread protests had erupted, drawing participation from nearly half of the city’s population. The demonstrations narrowly avoided turning violent. Across from our gathering, humanitarian aid from alleged collaborators, labeled as Crimean humanitarian aid, was being distributed.
It’s crucial to highlight that Kherson was effectively cut off from external assistance. The city received no humanitarian aid from the Red Cross, foreign organizations, or anywhere else. Many individuals reached out to me via social media, expressing their readiness to provide aid to Kherson’s residents. However, Russian forces surrounding the city prevented the delivery of aid.
We encouraged people to reject the Crimean aid and instead directed them to Ukrainian aid distribution points. Some wholesale bases, shops, and entrepreneurs even donated goods for distribution without seeking payment. Notably, the large Silpo supermarket and several other stores participated in this effort.
To maintain a favorable image, the occupiers distributed Crimean humanitarian aid in the city center, near the regional administration building. Unfortunately, a queue had formed, prompting one of our activists to approach and dissuade people from accepting the aid, citing it as a betrayal of the motherland. In response, Russian military personnel assaulted him, beating and dragging him on the ground by his hair. Our group swiftly intervened, firing shots into the air and ground to deter further violence.
Eventually, the situation calmed, with the military and protestors agreeing to move apart to prevent bloodshed.
From March 3, the day of my involvement, until the 7th, we returned to the site daily. Despite the tense atmosphere, we encountered widespread support from locals who halted their daily routines to show solidarity. People courageously expressed their dissent, unarmed yet defiant against armed forces, unequivocally declaring their opposition to the Russian occupation.
In numerous interviews, I’ve been asked why we chose a peaceful form of protest rather than armed resistance. The answer is simple: Kherson lacked weaponry. Only a handful of individuals associated with territorial defense possessed small arms, rendering any attempt at armed resistance futile against the occupiers’ military might.
Our only recourse was to dismantle the propaganda narrative of Kherson’s alleged welcome of the invaders. We sought to broadcast to the world the reality of our resistance and the true sentiments of Kherson’s populace in response to the occupation.
Oleksandr Tarasov: On March 6, orders were issued to the occupiers to arrest activists. The following day, March 7, I organized another protest, after which I returned home to visit my mother. She then requested to meet me, and as I stepped out, a minibus pulled up, disgorging individuals in balaclavas armed with weapons. They swiftly grabbed me, blindfolded me with a bag, and transported me to the Kherson Regional State Administration. There, they subjected me to interrogation, torture, and threats.
They possessed photos of my family and utilized traditional methods to produce propaganda videos. It was their practice to compel all participants of any activities to record various videos under duress or the threat of harm to their families. These recordings would then be broadcast on their channels or shared on social media platforms.
I was subjected to a specific scenario. They tortured me, displayed a photo of my son—who had accompanied me to the protests—and threatened to subject him to the same treatment. They then restrained me, handcuffing my hands and feet to the wall, insisting that I either cooperate in their video or they would involve my son. They provided me with a scripted narrative, demanding that I assert the protests were orchestrated by SBU officers and that I was a recruited SBU agent.
Upon my transfer to SIZO No. 1 in Simferopol, it became evident that this was their modus operandi for recording videos with all detainees. Currently, journalist Serhiy Tsygipa from Novokakhovka, a former military officer, and major in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, who participated in the ATO from 2015-2017, remains in detention. They have also coerced him into recording propaganda videos, purportedly at the behest of Ukrainian special services.
Oleksandr Tarasov: Initially, I was detained in the Kherson Regional State Administration from March 7 to March 11. During this time, I was restrained to a radiator with a bag over my head, allowed to use the toilet once a day, and not provided with food. Subsequently, I was transferred to a temporary detention center in Kherson. On March 16, along with Serhii Tsygipa, I was taken to Crimea. Initially, I was housed in the pre-trial detention center of the FSB, and on March 17, I was transferred to SIZO No. 1 in Simferopol.
Oleksandr Tarasov: Serhii and I shared the same cell for several months before he was relocated to another cell. We were the first to arrive at a specially designated block for Ukrainians within SIZO No. 1 in Simferopol. Initially, we were the sole occupants of this block before others were brought in.
Eventually, Serhii was taken from our cell in mid-May and transferred elsewhere. Our communication was limited until we were both transferred to SIZO No. 2 at the end of October. This facility is a newly equipped detention center for Ukrainian political prisoners. We occasionally communicated with Serhii through the ventilation system. He recounted being held for an extended period without charges and was only formally accused of espionage and detained preventively in December.
Oleksandr Tarasov: I was never formally charged with any crime. Throughout the interrogations conducted by the FSB, I was consistently handcuffed and had a bag over my head. Consequently, no documents were signed during these proceedings. Only in December, they presented me with what they termed a «survey protocol,» not even an official interrogation. They instructed me to sign a document asserting that no physical or psychological violence had been inflicted upon me. There was also a ludicrous statement in the report suggesting that I refused legal representation and did not require legal assistance.
Hence, no charges were ever pressed against me. Even when I pointed out to them, in December, that according to their own constitution, 72 hours is the maximum time allowed to file charges, their response was dismissive: «Well, you know, it’s war.» When I inquired whether it was a war or a special operation, their response was evasive: «Let’s not split hairs, we all understand the situation; it’s a special operation, okay. And as for the constitution, you understand it’s not relevant here. There’s a presidential decree regarding the isolation of individuals opposing a special military operation.»
To date, no one has been able to locate this alleged decree, which serves as crucial evidence for the International Criminal Court (ICC) currently investigating these matters.
Oleksandr Tarasov: The conditions were undoubtedly harsh. For individuals with health issues, it was particularly challenging as there was a severe lack of medical supplies. As the saying goes, the only remedy available was aspirin.
The regime enforced required us to stand or sit on narrow benches from six to ten in the morning; sitting on the bed was strictly prohibited. At times, they would compel us to remain on our feet from the moment we woke until lights out, except during meal times when we were permitted to sit.
The conditions were far from ordinary; there were no outdoor activities, visits, access to reading materials, newspapers, or television programs. For six months, four to five of us were confined to a cell. To maintain our sanity, we engaged in discussions about books, played mental chess, and organized discussion groups on religious topics. Engaging in such activities was vital; otherwise, one could easily lose their sanity.
We endured constant torment. Initially, we were subjected to checks twice a day, which eventually ceased. Each check was a form of torture, involving beatings or the use of a stun gun.
This wasn’t merely entertainment; it was a method employed to break and intimidate individuals, reducing them to a state of fear and vulnerability. For instance, on May 8-9, we were greeted with tasers on Victory Day, accompanied by derogatory remarks labelling us as fascists and dishonoring our grandfathers.
The situation was paradoxical; while they sought to intimidate us, they were also wary of retaliation, as they always wore balaclavas and masks.
Oleksandr Tarasov: I was forewarned that I should prepare for release. Eventually, they simply knocked on the cell door and instructed me to gather my belongings. They escorted me out, releasing me in a rather peculiar manner. It seemed like they were releasing me, but they explicitly instructed me not to leave Crimea.
I had relatives residing in Crimea, and the Russians made it clear that they were aware of their whereabouts, insisting that I visit them. They even accompanied me to their location and provided me with a phone number to periodically update them on my whereabouts.
After a month passed, they informed me that I was free to leave. Upon arriving at the airport, I was once again escorted to a special room, interrogated by the FSB, and required to sign a document stating that I was permanently banned from entering Russian Federation territory. This decision left me feeling deeply unsettled. Subsequently, they permitted my departure.
The criteria governing whom they chose to release and whom they continued to detain appeared arbitrary and lacking in logic.
As a reminder, Russia occupied Kherson in March 2022. Despite the initial peril, the city’s residents bravely held pro-Ukrainian rallies.
Hromadske Radio extensively covered the mood and situation in the city during the occupation in the podcast «Occupants wear civilian clothes, hoods, and remain silent – a resident of the temporarily occupied Kherson.»
On the afternoon of November 11, 2022, the Defence Intelligence of Ukraine reported that «Kherson is returning to Ukrainian control, with units of the Armed Forces entering the city,» while the retreat routes of Russian occupiers were under the fire control of the Ukrainian army. Ukrainian scouts called on enemy soldiers to surrender.
Earlier, on November 9, the commander of the Russian occupation forces in Ukraine, Sergei Surovikin, announced the withdrawal of Russian troops from Kherson to the left bank of the Dnipro River.
On the evening of November 12, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy declared that the Ukrainian Armed Forces had gained control of more than 60 settlements in the Kherson region.
In times of war, the program «Free our relatives» tells the stories of people, cities, villages, and entire regions that have been captured by Russian invaders. We discuss the war crimes committed by the Kremlin and its troops against the Ukrainian people.
The program is hosted by Igor Kotelianets and Anastasia Bagalika.
This publication is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in the framework of the Human Rights in Action Program implemented by Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union. Opinions, conclusions and recommendations presented in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID, the United States Government. The contents are the responsibility of the authors.
USAID is the world’s premier international development agency and a catalytic actor driving development results. USAID’s work demonstrates American generosity, and promotes a path to recipient self-reliance and resilience, and advances U.S. national security and economic prosperity. USAID has partnered with Ukraine since 1992, providing more than $9 billion in assistance. USAID’s current strategic priorities include strengthening democracy and good governance, promoting economic development and energy security, improving health care systems, and mitigating the effects of the conflict in the east.
For additional information about USAID in Ukraine, please call USAID’s Development Outreach and Communications Office at: +38 (044) 521-5753. You may also visit our website: http://www.usaid.gov/ukraine or our Facebook page at https://www.facebook.com/USAIDUkraine.
.png)
